EUCAM, Daryna Novikova Msc, January 2026
Introduction
In the context of the alcohol industry, corporate social responsibility (CSR) refers to voluntary initiatives undertaken by companies to promote a socially responsible image, often framed as efforts to reduce alcohol-related harm or support community well-being (Babor & Robaina, 2013). Unlike independent or government-funded public health interventions, however, alcohol industry CSR is frequently criticized as a strategic tool used to influence public perception, pre-empt regulation and secure market interests.
One of the most contentious manifestations of CSR is its integration into educational settings. A large-scale study by Leung et al. (2024) examined how weak or absent governmental safeguards allow alcohol brands to infiltrate policy spaces, education, and public health discourse, finding that across 24 global jurisdictions, 63% reported alcohol industry support or funding within education. By positioning themselves as socially responsible entities through philanthropy, brands are granted access to settings and partnerships that traditional marketing would not permit (Petticrew et al., 2013), prompting recent efforts across several countries to remove industry-sponsored materials from education altogether (van Schalkwyk et al., 2023; Davies & Boytchev, 2024). Although this is a global phenomenon led by transnational brands (Pantani et al., 2017; Dumbili & Odeigah, 2024; Leung et al., 2024), this paper will predominantly focus on Europe.
Building on the findings of Yoon and Lam (2013) and Mialon and McCambridge (2018), Pulido Valente and colleagues (2024) established a framework of seven CSR tactics used by the alcohol industry: corporate philanthropy, alcohol information and education provision, voluntary regulation, drink driving prevention, research involvement, policy involvement and the creation of social aspects/public relations organizations SAPRO’s (social aspects/public relations organizations).
In schools and universities, CSR primarily manifests through philanthropic donations, the development of “responsible drinking” campaigns, and the deployment of SAPROs. Such SAPROs may present themselves as independent health bodies, whilst relying largely on voluntary donations from alcohol producers and retailers. A particularly well-known and wide-reaching example is DrinkAware (McCambridge et al., 2014; van Schalkwyk et al., 2022), a UK-based charity operating across multiple European countries, which delivers alcohol education programs in schools and universities. These initiatives, while often presented as public health efforts, reflect the alcohol industry’s strategic engagement with educational settings.
Content of Industry-Led Programmes in Universities and Schools
Rather than endorsing regulatory or structural interventions, industry-led programs in universities tend to advocate for education over regulation. Messages centre on “responsible drinking,” a purposely vague term which shifts the burden of harm onto individual behaviour (Maani Hessari & Petticrew, 2018; Pulido Valente et al., 2024). The educational content of alcohol industry CSR programmes additionally tends to trivialise the health risks associated with alcohol (Maani Hessari et al., 2019; van Schalkwyk et al., 2022). Emphasising superficial and short-term concerns and omitting long-term health effects, DrinkAware distributes “freshers’ week survival guides” in universities, encouraging first-year students to drink water to avoid hangovers (Davies & Boytchev, 2024). Moreover, a comparative analysis run by Peake et al. (2021) revealed that non-industry-funded public health sources were significantly more likely than SAPROs to warn readers about alcohol’s effect on cardiovascular health. SAPROs were also shown to more often perpetuate the claim that ‘responsible’ alcohol use provides health
benefits, contradicting the growing scientific consensus that there is no completely safe level of alcohol consumption (Anderson et al., 2023). Despite this, many CSR-funded materials still reference outdated or industry-friendly “low-risk” drinking guidelines that contradict current research.
SAPROs position the alcohol industry as a credible source of prevention
In addition to universities, SAPROs can partner with schools to provide classroom-based alcohol education, generally targeting secondary school students. Two illustrative examples are Portugal’s Menores, nem uma gota (“Minors, not a drop”; Pulido Valente et al., 2024) and Sweden’s Prata om Alkohol (“Talk About Alcohol”; Tengström, 2018) programmes. Such programmes may facilitate awareness campaigns, events and classroom discussions about alcohol, peer pressure and underage drinking harms. In parallel, more interactive formats such as the international Smashed Project (van Schalkwyk et al., 2022) and the Netherlands’ Kikid Booze programme (spiritsEUROPE, n.d.) employ theatre performances, workshops and facilitated discussion to engage students emotionally and socially. Whilst emphasising abstinence among minors, classroom-based SAPROs generally portray moderate alcohol consumption as an expected adult behaviour to be approached responsibly once legal age is reached (van Schalkwyk et al., 2022). A strong emphasis is again placed on personal responsibility, with underage drinking often presented as an issue stemming from poor choices and peer pressure (Davies & Boytchev, 2024). Therefore, just as the student-targeted programmes, these SAPROs position the alcohol industry as a credible source of prevention while subtly reinforcing responsibility-based narratives that align with long-term market interests.
Benefits of SAPROs for the Alcohol Industry
The purpose of CSR is twofold. Firstly, these initiatives can serve as a tactical marketing tool (Mialon & McCambridge, 2018), particularly in emerging markets with large youth populations. By establishing a presence in educational settings and subtly influencing social norms, alcohol companies can attempt to normalise alcohol consumption among young people (van Schalkwyk et al., 2022). This exposure can influence perceptions even before individuals become legal consumers. Secondly, industry involvement in education can serve as a form of risk management, aiming to preempt stricter regulatory measures. By voluntarily participating in educational initiatives, alcohol companies can argue that they are taking proactive steps to address alcohol-related harms, thereby reducing the perceived need for government intervention (Yoon & Lam, 2013). This strategy allows the industry to maintain greater control over the content and messaging of alcohol education, ensuring that it aligns with its interests. For instance, CSR activities often avoid advocating for policies such as availability or advertising restrictions, which have been backed by research as effective at reducing alcohol consumption (Mialon & McCambridge, 2018; McCambridge et al., 2021).
Underage drinking initiatives which provide awareness and training materials for parents and educators, such as Portugal’s Falar Claro (“Speak Clearly”; Pulido Valente et al., 2024), similarly extend this strategy by targeting adult perceptions of alcohol-related risk and responsibility, reinforcing the industry’s positioning as a legitimate actor in prevention efforts. Overall, these CSR initiatives allow alcohol companies to present themselves as socially responsible while subtly promoting alcohol consumption and limiting regulatory scrutiny, raising significant concerns for public health.
Impact and Efficacy in the Reduction of Harmful Drinking
Ultimately, most university and classroom-based SAPROs, when evaluated, are shown to be ineffective at meeting their stated goals. Evidence suggests that they have, at best, a very modest positive impact (Robaina et al., 2018), and at worst, may increase harmful drinking behaviour by misleading young people about its risks (Mialon & McCambridge, 2018).
Importantly, the majority of SAPROs operate without external academic evaluation, relying instead on internal and industry-governed research prioritising outcomes like awareness and enjoyment of the programme (spiritsEUROPE, n.d.), versus real changes in their perceptions of alcohol use (McCambridge et al., 2014; van Schalkwyk et al., 2022). An example of these issues can be seen in the various online eHealth tools distributed by industry-funded organisations, such as the MyDrinkAware app (Roy-Highley et al., 2024), which includes a unit calculator targeted at students and young people. A recent study by Roy-Highley and colleagues (2024) compared such digital tools to those distributed by non-industry-funded bodies, such as the British National
Health Service (NHS), and found them to be significantly less scientifically accurate, whilst selectively omitting health risks. The authors identified this as one example of SAPROs’ utilisation of ‘dark nudges’ (Petticrew et al., 2020), the strategic use of behavioural design to steer users towards industry-favourable interpretations of risk while maintaining the appearance of informed choice. Taken together, these design practices help explain why SAPRO-led initiatives often fail to deliver meaningful public health impact, despite high visibility and claims of effectiveness.
Conclusion
To conclude, the integration of alcohol industry-funded CSR into educational settings raises serious ethical and public health concerns. While these initiatives are often presented as efforts to reduce harm or promote responsible drinking, the evidence shows they primarily serve industry interests. Across Europe, the presence of CSR activities in schools and universities, often through seemingly independent SAPROs, has potentially contributed to the normalizing of alcohol consumption, distortion of health information, and the undermining of evidence-based public health strategies. Following the example of Ireland banning alcohol industry-sponsored CSR in schools to protect youth and uphold public health education standards (Davies & Boytchev, 2024), there is a strong case for policymakers across Europe to adopt stricter safeguards that prevent alcohol industry involvement.
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About the author: Daryna Novikova is a “health promotion specialist” and worked during her study at the University of Amsterdam as intern and researcher for EUCAM.